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Gage
Averill, New York University
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My first reaction
to the eloquent testimony of Lorraine Sakata is to be thankful for
my own illuminating acquaintance with Afghan music, mediated by four
remarkable colleagues. I studied ethnomusicology at the University
of Washington, and my initial graduate seminar was Lorraine Sakatas
The Music of the Near East. My first job was at Columbia
University, where I taught alongside John Baily, and where I got to
know John and his wife Veronica Doubleday, both insightful Western
scholars of Afghan music. I left Columbia for Wesleyan University,
where my senior colleague in ethnomusicology was Mark Slobin, whose
doctoral research and first book also concerned the music of Afghanistan.
And so, in only a few short years, I was fortunate to learn firsthand
from four of the most knowledgeable Western scholars of Afghan music.
I became a fan of John and Veronicas lovely performance of Afghan
traditional love songs and mystical poetry on rabab and frame
drum, which I first heard at the faculty club at Columbia. I was fascinated
by the Afghan weddings recorded on Johns documentary films.
I listened to many field anecdotes about musical traditions and ethnographic
sites that had been closed to all of these scholars after the Soviet
invasion. How extraordinary, I thought, that all four of them had
been so deeply shaped by a musical tradition that had largely disappeared.
The culture they had known, and with which they had fallen in love,
had been silenced by a very loud conflict that convulsed Afghan life.
The silences of Afghan music formed a disturbing presence in subsequent
public talks of, and personal discussions with, these four scholars
regarding Afghanistan.
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I recalled many
of these interactions on a trip last spring to the UK, where John
Baily introduced a keynote speech I gave on Music and Power.
At the party following my talk, John and Veronica once again performed,
and were joined by a popular singer of Afghan music. On the following
day, John was scheduled to give a press conference on artistic censorship
under the Taliban, a llittle after the Taliban were carrying out their
campaign to destroy Afghanistans many extraordinary Buddhist
sculptures. I found it ironic that the world began to pay close attention
to this issue when representational or visual art (which UNESCO identified
as a world artistic heritage) was at stake, but that the systematic
eradication of a profound musical heritage had been all but ignored.
Photos of statues reduced to rubble and huge empty stone vestibules
seemed to be able to reach people through print and broadcast media
in a way that the silences created by the erasure of music could not.
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Now, with the
rapid political changes in Afghanistanfollowing the Soviet occupation
and the tyrannical Najibullah years, the chaos of the mujahedin triumph,
and the grim fundamentalism of the Taliban reignthere are indications
of a passionate embrace of musical sounds long stifled in the region.
It is possible to imagine that musical knowledge, and even the contexts
in which it flourished, could take hold again, like wildflowers springing
up in volcanic ash after a cataclysmic eruption. Ethnomusicologists
have a role to play in this kind of efflorescence of musical performance
after periods of repression, war, and censorship. We should also play
a role as vocal critics of these repressive measures in the first
place, cultural relativism aside! Ali Jihad Racys poignant reaction
to the attack of September 11 and its aftermath also challenge ethnomusicologists
to respond to the kinds of intolerance and bigotry that followed in
the wake of the attacks and in the buildup to war. He provides moving
testimony of musics ability to unite, heal, mourn, cope, and
uplift.
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In the immediate
aftermath of September 11, having been eyewitness to an unimaginable
tragedy, I found myself asking the kinds of questions so many were
asking: how could a cause, no matter how passionately felt and fanatically
pursued, justify such a cruel eradication of so many innocent lives?
How does terror justify itself? And within a very short period of
time, I was engaged in an internal dialogue about my own early support
of terrorism.
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In 1971, the year
before I arrived in Madison, Wisconsin to begin studies in forestry,
a group of four antiwar activists had exploded a bomb in the Universitys
Army Math Research Center, killing one researcher (Robert Fassnacht)
who happened to be working late over the Easter vacation. It was a
watershed moment in the antiwar movement, splitting pacifists off
from those willing to escalate the confrontation and bring the
war home. The event also brought the FBI more directly into
the investigation of the movement itself. Meanwhile, the Army Math
Research Center sat roped off, draped and boarded, as a reminder of
a distant, and not-so-distant, conflict in my first year at college.
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The first event
I recall at my housing co-op the following year was a benefit square
dance for the four bombers. Later that night, winding our way along
a trail between buildings that we called the Ho Chi Minh Trail,
my friends and I talked about the importance of violence in exposing
Americans to the kinds of pain that the government and its military
were inflicting on others. My closest friend at the time confessed
to me that he was living underground with an assumed name after a
series of incidents to which he had been linked (blowing up an ROTC
building, counterfeiting to finance revolutionary activities, and
the discovery of a cache of guns). He and I began discussion groups
around the recent manifesto from the Weather Underground. When the
FBI seemed to be getting close to my friends location, I would
spirit him across state lines to safe houses in places like Ann Arbor.
I was captivated by the heady espionage of it all: building cells,
releasing manifestos, generating fake IDs, and avoiding the
FBI.
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My Irish band,
The Irish Brigade, offered to play at the Waupun Federal Penitentiary
in order to meet and show support for Karl, the ringleader
of the Army Math Research Center bombers. During our performance for
the maximum security prisoners, after an old Irish man got up to dance
a jig, we sensed an opportunity and broke loose with an old anarchist
favorite, Banks of Marble, which talks of blowing up banks
and shooting the guards at every door, and pandemonium
resulted. Most of the auditorium was on its feet, clapping hands,
and eyeing the very nervous guards at the doors. Lights came on and
the warden gave the signal to stop the performance, but we played
on until they cut off our electricity. We never received another invitation
to play at Waupun and we avoided whatever punishment was meted out
to our rowdy, but still captive, audience. My sympathy for terrorist
tactics came from a guilt-ridden sense that people around the world
were struggling and dying violently in response to American imperialism
and that America shouldnt be exempt. This, at least, was my
justification. But my fascination with terrorism also had a performance
component. Aware of the revolution in performance art launched by
Fluxus in the 1960s, comrades of mine in the New Left saw mass-mediated
coverage of outrageous political performance as the quickest way to
break through the mind-numbing comforts of North American pop culture.
A form of political theater crept into the practice of the New Left,
from the Weathermens Days of Rage to the Yippie presidential
campaign for a pig, to Patty Hearst robbing a bank for the Symbionese
Liberation Army with that cool beret (what a performance!), to the
bomb planted by the Weather Underground at the Capitol Rotunda. The
Weather Underground bombings were meant to send a message that said
we can and will strike anywhere; and beware: the revolution
is coming.
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Although my dalliance
with the violent wing of the antiwar movement lasted only a couple
of years, this all seems frighteningly current to me now. We have
all now experienced the attack on the World Trade Center in multiple
television replays. The perpetrators and their sympathizers justify
the violence because it brings the war home to America.
After the first jet crashed into the World Trade Center, and as Al
Qaeda militants, who were gathered around television sets, were beginning
to celebrate, Osama bin Laden is now reputed to have told them to
just waitwait, that is, for the second jet, the
finale, the last act. The attack made use of a kind of performativity
and seems to have been at least in part inspired by Hollywood disaster
movies, as others have pointed out. It is now clear that the second
attack was timed for maximal television coverage. The attack and its
global mediation was supposed to send a message about the vulnerability
of America, intimidating the superpower and encouraging anti-American
activists (now of a disaffected fundamentalist Islamic stripe) to
support or engage in terror.
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I had once been
complicit in a way of thinking that excused or rationalized the loss
of innocent lives in the exercise of terror for political ends, and
I had countenanced the aestheticization of violent political action
in the real world as performance. Never had my irresponsibility been
more viscerally real to me. In the weeks and months following September
11, I coped with my grief and shock, but also with this unsettling
sense of complicity and guilt. This is perhaps the kind of painful
breaking of a shell that encloses our understanding that
Ali Jihad Racy had in mind in quoting from Kahlil Gibran. Karlheinz
Stockhausen, in controversial comments following the attack, considered
the event as a pure performance, akin to musical composition. What
I found shocking in his remarks is not that he used the term great,
or that he admired the disciplined practice for performance among
the terrorists, but that he could distance himself sufficiently at
that moment to deal with the attack as performance intellectually
rather than empathetically as an immense and inconceivable tragedy
that would ripple out for years in grief and pain. We will be richer
if we allow this tragedy to focus our attention on our own humanity
and to learn from the self-sacrificing and humane examples of global
response that followed in the wake of the tragedy. I have my own personal
failures of humanism to confront, but as an ethnomusicologist, I hope
to challenge myself to criticize the nefarious uses to which the power
of music is put, to continue to campaign against censorship and political
regulation of music, and to encourage the rich exploration of music
as a connective tissue in human interaction and as a medium that makes
clearer our shared humanity.
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